Presidents in 1800s expand wartime and veto powers

By Dan Stark
UConn Jour­nal­ism

Read here to learn more about expan­sions of exec­u­tive pow­er in the 1800s under Pres­i­dents Andrew Jack­son, James K. Polk and Abra­ham Lin­coln.

Andrew Jackson (1829–1837) 

Intro­duced the spoils sys­tem and expand­ed veto pow­er

Polit­i­cal car­toon depict­ing “King Andrew Jack­son,” from an unknown artist. Pres­i­dent Andrew Jack­son was dubbed a “king” because of his expan­sive exec­u­tive actions.

When Andrew Jack­son took office in 1829, he sought to change the fed­er­al bureau­cra­cy, which was root­ed in his deep dis­trust of his polit­i­cal oppo­nents. To do so, he imple­ment­ed a pol­i­cy where a new pres­i­dent would be allowed to fire gov­ern­ment and work­ers and replace them with loy­al­ists, most­ly made up of his polit­i­cal allies. Though hir­ing loy­al­ists wasn’t a new prac­tice, fir­ing cur­rent work­ers was unchart­ed ter­ri­to­ry. 

The move was derid­ed by Jackson’s oppo­nents, most notably Ken­tucky Sen­a­tor Hen­ry Clay. In a heat­ed debate, New York Sen­a­tor William L. Mar­cy, a Jack­son ally, stat­ed that “to the vic­tor belongs the spoils,” lead­ing to the prac­tice being dubbed the “spoils sys­tem,” accord­ing to his­to­ry writer Robert McNa­ma­ra. This sys­tem con­tin­ued with no checks until the Pendle­ton Civ­il Ser­vice Reform Act was passed in 1883, which banned the prac­tice of fir­ing fed­er­al work­ers for polit­i­cal rea­sons.  

Jackson’s use of veto pow­er also dis­tin­guished him from his pre­de­ces­sors. Before him, most pres­i­dents used the veto pow­er only to dis­ap­prove of some­thing they thought uncon­sti­tu­tion­al. How­ev­er, Jack­son used this to veto leg­is­la­tion with which he sim­ply dis­agreed. He issued 12 vetoes dur­ing his tenure, which was the most of any pres­i­dent up until that point, accord­ing to Sen­ate records.  

His most notable veto came in 1832 when he vetoed a re-char­ter of the Sec­ond Bank of the Unit­ed States. Jack­son was a staunch oppo­nent of the bank’s exis­tence and fre­quent­ly clashed with Nicholas Bid­dle, the bank’s pres­i­dent from 1823 to 1836. In a let­ter to Bid­dle, Jack­son explained his oppo­si­tion to the bank and the con­cept of banks.  

“I do not dis­like your bank any more than all banks. But ever since I read the his­to­ry of the South Sea bub­ble I have been afraid of banks,” he wrote, ref­er­enc­ing the British eco­nom­ic cri­sis of the 1720s. 

In his veto, he wrote that “some of the pow­ers and priv­i­leges pos­sessed by the exist­ing bank are unau­tho­rized by the Con­sti­tu­tion, sub­ver­sive of the rights of the States, and dan­ger­ous to all lib­er­ties of the peo­ple” and declared that it was his pres­i­den­tial duty to object.  

As a result of his expan­sive actions, some labeled Jack­son as “King Andrew the First,” includ­ing an unknown polit­i­cal car­toon­ist in 1832 who drew Jack­son in roy­al garb with the bank veto in hand.  

James K. Polk (1845–1849) 

Tak­ing greater over­sight over the Depart­ment of War

Por­trait of James K. Polk from his time as gov­er­nor of Ten­nessee from 1839–1841. Polk most­ly expand­ed exec­u­tive war pow­ers. Pho­to cour­tesy Loc’s Pub­lic Domain Archive

Though he only served one term, James K. Polk expand­ed the scope of exec­u­tive pow­er par­tic­u­lar­ly in regard to the president’s author­i­ty as com­man­der-in-chief of the Armed Forces. This began in 1845 when, in response to the pend­ing annex­a­tion of Texas, Polk ordered 1,500 troops to Texas.

When the Mex­i­can-Amer­i­can War broke out in 1846, Polk estab­lished him­self as a con­fronta­tion­al mil­i­tary leader by side-step­ping the Depart­ment of War to cre­ate war strat­e­gy him­self. He over­saw minute details of the war like replac­ing offi­cers and kept a close eye on deci­sions made by the Depart­ment of War as he sought to expand­ed Amer­i­can influ­ence in the West­ern Hemi­sphere, accord­ing to Tim­o­thy C. Hem­mis, a his­to­ry pro­fes­sor at Texas A&M Uni­ver­si­ty.

His desire to con­trol mul­ti­ple aspects of the war led to ten­sions as those beneath him became increas­ing­ly frus­trat­ed, accord­ing to the Cen­ter for Greater South­west­ern Stud­ies at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Texas at Arling­ton. Sim­i­lar to Andrew Jack­son, who Polk was a loy­al sup­port­er of ear­ly in his polit­i­cal career, he viewed any slight devi­a­tion from his plan as a betray­al or an act of par­ti­san­ship.  

Abra­ham Lin­coln (1861–1865) 

Reshap­ing the pow­er of the com­man­der-in-chief

Por­trait of Abra­ham Lin­coln, 16th pres­i­dent of the U.S. Lin­coln sus­pend­ed habeas cor­pus dur­ing the Civ­il War and lim­it­ed the free­dom of the press. Pho­to cour­tesy Loc’s Pub­lic Domain Archive

Abra­ham Lin­coln came into pow­er in 1861 at an unpar­al­leled moment in Amer­i­can his­to­ry as South­ern states began seced­ing from the Union. To respond to this, he took exten­sive actions that some say made Lin­coln “the most activist Pres­i­dent in his­to­ry.”  

Lin­coln trans­formed “the President’s role as com­man­der in chief and as chief exec­u­tive into a pow­er­ful new posi­tion,” wrote Michael Burlingame of the Uni­ver­si­ty of Virginia’s Miller Cen­ter and pro­fes­sor emer­i­tus at Con­necti­cut Col­lege, “mak­ing the Pres­i­dent supreme over both Con­gress and the courts.” 

The Supreme Court was a par­tic­u­lar tar­get of Lin­coln, who, along with oth­er young mem­bers of the Repub­li­can Par­ty, was still angered by the Court for the infa­mous Dred Scott deci­sion in 1857 which declared that slaves were not Amer­i­can cit­i­zens. Lin­coln and his par­ty argued that the Court only had the pow­er to make deci­sions on indi­vid­ual dis­putes rather than larg­er con­sti­tu­tion­al issues, the lat­ter of which is the basis of judi­cial review.  

Lin­coln and the Repub­li­can-led Con­gress chal­lenged the Court’s pow­er by pass­ing the Ter­ri­to­r­i­al Slav­ery Act of 1862, which banned slav­ery in cur­rent and future Amer­i­can ter­ri­to­ries. The great­est flex­ing of Lincoln’s exec­u­tive mus­cle came with the pas­sage of the Habeas Cor­pus Sus­pen­sion Act of 1863. Under the pro­ce­dure of habeas cor­pus, a detained per­son must be brought before a court to deter­mine if they have been legal­ly detained. How­ev­er, the bill gave Lin­coln great pow­er by sus­pend­ing this in order to imprison those who were viewed as threats to the Union.  

“The Pres­i­dent of the Unit­ed States, when­ev­er, in his judge­ment, the pub­lic safe­ty may require it, is autho­rized to sus­pend the priv­i­lege of the writ of habeas cor­pus in any case through the Unit­ed States, or any part there­of,” reads the open­ing para­graph of the act. “And when­ev­er and wher­ev­er the said priv­i­lege shall be sus­pend­ed, as afore­said, no mil­i­tary or oth­er offi­cer shall be com­pelled, in answer to any writ of habeas cor­pus, to return the body of any per­son or per­sons detained by him by author­i­ty of the Pres­i­dent.” 

There was also a great effort by Lincoln’s admin­is­tra­tion to lim­it free­dom of the press through­out the Civ­il War. Accord­ing to David Asp of the Free Speech Cen­ter at Mid­dle Ten­nessee State Uni­ver­si­ty, news­pa­per edi­tors and reporters were reg­u­lar­ly arrest­ed for var­i­ous rea­sons, includ­ing speak­ing against the draft or writ­ing state­ments that the gov­ern­ment viewed as being pro-South or vague­ly anti-Union. 

“Han­dling dis­sent in the North pre­sent­ed an unprece­dent­ed dif­fi­cul­ty for the Lin­coln admin­is­tra­tion,” wrote Asp. “From the start of Lincoln’s pres­i­den­cy, the North­ern press gave voice to many of his crit­ics. News­pa­pers argued that seces­sion was the inevitable con­se­quence of his pol­i­cy toward the South. As the war dragged on, the oppo­si­tion press grew loud­er, demand­ing com­pro­mise with the Con­fed­er­a­cy to halt the blood­shed.”

Basic free speech also came under attack dur­ing the war. For­mer Con­gress­man Clement Val­landigham gave a speech refer­ring to the pres­i­dent as “King Lin­coln” and call­ing for his removal from office, he was arrest­ed four days lat­er and was sen­tenced to prison for the rest of the war, accord­ing to Asp.

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